Voices from the Arab press: Fear invades Europe

A weekly selection of opinions and analyses from the Arab media around the world.

 MARKING THE 26th year since Yitzhak Rabin’s assassination with 15,000 candles, at Tel Aviv’s Rabin Square, Oct. 18, 2021.  (photo credit: TOMER NEUBERG/FLASH90)
MARKING THE 26th year since Yitzhak Rabin’s assassination with 15,000 candles, at Tel Aviv’s Rabin Square, Oct. 18, 2021.
(photo credit: TOMER NEUBERG/FLASH90)

Fear invades Europe

Okaz, Saudi Arabia, November 21

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The escalation of hostilities in Gaza, now in its 41st day, has drastically changed the international geopolitical landscape. Governments around the world have made decisions that many citizens found surprising, even chilling. Notably, France recently banned protests against Israel’s war on Gaza, on grounds that they might endanger public order. 

The unequal application of the law in European countries regarding demonstrations in support of the Israeli side and those in support of the Palestinian cause is distressing. Demonstrations in favor of Israel are allowed and sometimes even encouraged, while those in support of Palestinians often incite swift and dire consequences, from arrest to deportation. This serves to perpetuate the asymmetry between the two sides and to disadvantage Palestinians. 

The insidious nature of this unequal treatment of protesters has become even more apparent when one considers the disproportionate cost of this conflict on civilians. In particular, children, women, and other civilians of Palestine have borne the brunt of the Israeli army’s barbaric bombing campaign, with thousands of innocent Palestinians killed to date. Now, even simply raising the Palestinian flag has become a criminal offense, resulting in arrest and even investigation in some cases. This deplorable state of affairs should be condemned resolutely. 

Parity of treatment for both sides must be guaranteed. Otherwise, European states risk not only perpetuating the unwarranted suffering of innocent civilians but also the continuation of the discrimination between Israeli and Palestinian civilians. 

This charged atmosphere has been accompanied by an increase in hate speech, which has saturated public spaces, such as social media. Groups of extremists from both left and right wings of the political spectrum can be attributed to this intensifying rhetoric, leading the extreme Right to use this as an opportunity to gain more followers and influence. 

 DIVERSIFYING AWAY from fossil fuels: Camels rest near an exploratory well belonging to an Arabian-American oil company, in Saudi Arabia’s Dahara region, mid-20th century. (credit: Hulton Archive/Getty Images)
DIVERSIFYING AWAY from fossil fuels: Camels rest near an exploratory well belonging to an Arabian-American oil company, in Saudi Arabia’s Dahara region, mid-20th century. (credit: Hulton Archive/Getty Images)

The UK serves as a prominent example of this, following the dismissal of Home Secretary Suella Braverman. Braverman’s anti-immigrant rhetoric contradicted her own family history, yet her stances remained firm enough to propel her ambitions, such as her current fervor to pursue the Conservative Party’s top spot. 

What’s truly daunting is the way in which digital censorship has shifted from an established system to a looming state of self-imposed censorship on all kinds of digital writing and speaking. The connection between algorithms and electronic terror has become increasingly prevalent. Just as writers and journalists in authoritarian nations have long had to disguise their words in order to express their true thoughts, social media platforms have become a place of manipulation, subterfuge, and dodging algorithms. 

Despite the specifics of the ongoing conflict in Gaza, the feelings of fear and uncertainty have been heightened for those forced to flee to Europe due to the unstable and tragic conditions of the political landscape. The promises of law, citizenship, and freedom of speech, which are fundamental principles of the modern European state, have turned out to be little more than illusions that quickly dissolved in the face of these events. 

It’s clear that the human rights lectures delivered by the West to other countries are nothing but a facade to mask a more intimidating, and far less utopic, reality. – Rami Al-Khalifa Al-Ali 


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Yitzhak Rabin’s will to the Israeli people

Al-Masry Al-Youm, Egypt, November 23

A diplomat friend who was leaving Israel after completing his four-year rotation at the embassy in Tel Aviv was asked what he wished for Israelis and Palestinians. The diplomat answered in a tone of sadness: I hoped that they would achieve what was achieved for blacks and whites in South Africa, coexistence and reconciliation after decades of conflict and the emergence of figures such as F.W. de Klerk and Nelson Mandela among them. Such hope had arisen in 1993 with prime minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat’s conclusion of the Oslo Accords. 

Yet the forces of the extreme Right thwarted this possibility of peace between the two people through an incitement campaign culminating in Rabin’s assassination. Benjamin Netanyahu consolidated this setback in 1996 when he became prime minister and renounced the very accords he had sworn to uphold. 

This was followed by an acceleration in the construction of settlements. For more than 30 years, Netanyahu and the extreme Right refused to accept a Palestinian state, despite the immense efforts undertaken in the summits of Camp David, Annapolis, and Sharm el-Sheikh. As such, Rabin’s will was undermined. You cannot ignore the presence of other people living around you. 

A foreign diplomat recently recounted the struggles of Israel to foster international relationships in a region full of Arab hostility. While the Palestinians have called for the elimination of Israel since the 1988 Algiers Conference, both Egypt and Jordan have signed peace agreements with Israel, and in 2002, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia proposed the Beirut Summit Initiative – peace in exchange for Israel’s withdrawal from occupied territories and granting Palestinians their legitimate rights.

Despite this, Israeli governments have refused to acknowledge the proposal, leaving most of Israeli society completely unaware of it. One must ask if Arab countries and the Arab League have made a concerted effort to promote the proposal, both domestically and internationally. 

This all took place in the years leading up to the events of October 7, which were noteworthy in their implications on Israeli society. My friend expressed his hope that these events will be the foundation of a transformation toward a peaceful settlement, requiring a shift in Israeli mentality in favor of Yitzhak Rabin’s vision which has – for the past three decades – proven to be accurate.

Additionally, a solid, constant, and cohesive action from the regional and international communities, in his view, is required. The US must convert its rhetoric about the two-state solution into action. – Amin Shalabi

The hostage deal and transfering the war to Lebanon

An-Nahar, Lebanon, November 21

There is no doubt that the prospects for completing a successful prisoner exchange between Hamas and Israel have grown. This could mean a lessening of the war in the Gaza Strip and a possible end to its other dimensions. 

The successful conclusion of this prisoner swap, coupled with a five-day cease-fire, could put a damper on the strife. This is what the Israeli military fears, as they believe that such an agreement and its pursuant ceasefire could decelerate the ground operation prematurely. 

If the first deal is successful, then additional exchanges, due to the large number of Israeli captives held by Hamas, could extend the appointed ceasefire even more. Such a prolonged truce could greatly diminish any ground operation momentum. 

It can be argued that the proposed exchange deal could mark the start of the end of fighting in Gaza. Nevertheless, the Israeli military operation in the North, which involves slowly advancing through the streets of Gaza City, could persist. The city, left in ruins, has become a theater of war, devoid of any resemblance to normal life. Here, Israel will attempt to unearth tunnels and further decimate the city in order to discourage its inhabitants from returning for a prolonged period of time. 

There remain serious concerns regarding the aftermath of the Gaza war. In the North, the collapse of Israel’s deterrence capability with regard to Lebanon has led to residents of northern Israel refusing to return home unless they sense they are secure under the protection of the Israeli army. 

Unfortunately, they do not feel that sense of confidence in their government. Hezbollah has successfully challenged the rules of engagement that had been standing for many years on both sides of the border, prompting people in the North to ask: “Are we safe?” 

How can Israel restore order and security on its border with Lebanon, given the tumultuous experience of Operation al-Aqsa Flood? [Editor’s note: This is the name that Hamas and other Palestinian groups named the October 7 attacks on Israel.] Could similar events occur at a larger, broader, and more lethal scale once the war ends? Indeed, the risk of deteriorating conditions along the border between Lebanon and Israel remains high, even after the conflict in Gaza subsides. 

Last October, Hezbollah’s skirmishes with the Israeli army made clear that it has no regard for international legitimacy or Resolution 1701, which established the rules for securing the two countries’ borders. Hezbollah’s decision to override the Lebanese state prevented the army from upholding security along the border region and its local citizens. The House of Representatives and the Council of Ministers failed to address this critical challenge. 

Thus, Israel, together with the US, knows that the security of the northern region is determined by understandings between them and Iran, under the risk of the Iranian side unilaterally changing these agreements. It is paramount that Israelis receive stronger guarantees or else the shifting balance of power could further destabilize the region and lead to the spillover of the war into Lebanese territory. – Ali Hamada 

Success factors for Gulf digital transformation

Al-Qabas, Kuwait, November 20

Recent research suggests that Gulf countries are projected to spend more than $70 billion on digital infrastructure by 2024. Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Qatar are expected to be the biggest contributors. This extraordinary expenditure is driven by an ever-connected world and quickening pace of digital transformation on a national level.

This is not just a technical process: it requires an overhaul of culture and work and the implementation of innovative digital technologies to provide services and products of added value. Digital transformation is not confined to any particular group – governments, companies, and citizens alike are all affected. 

The Gulf countries have made impressive progress in digital transformation, as evidenced by domestic and international indicators alike. As we reflect on what has driven their success, we cannot overlook the immense investment and commitment to this cause. 

After researching Gulf countries, it’s evident that they have made a noteworthy investment in modernizing their digital infrastructure to promote innovation and transformation. Their success requires government guidance, an organized outlook, top-notch leadership, and the encouragement of private sector input. 

Gulf nations are also attempting to diversify their economies away from decisive reliance on fossil fuels. This promotes the national knowledge economy, quickening digital transformation efforts in various industries. Interaction between public and private sectors is also indispensable for accelerating digital transformation and modern technology advances in numerous fields. 

The key to digital transformation lies in supporting education and developing a human workforce with the required skills to support the digital economy. Several Gulf nations have invested in digital learning and equipping their citizens with the latest technological capabilities. This will help foster a digitally literate population that is able to work and lead in a digital arena. 

No doubt, every country has its own unique challenges, yet examining these factors may tell us why some nations have been more successful in digital transformation than others. By learning from these factors and the evidence available to us, we can foster an environment conducive to digital transformation and sustainable economic development. – Dhari Adel Al-Huwail 

Translated by Asaf Zilberfarb.