The United States and Israel enjoy a special relationship that includes a strong and enduring US commitment to the security and well-being of the State of Israel. The US has more than demonstrated its support and solidarity with Israel during the trying days after the horrific October 7 attack on Israeli civilians by Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ).
The Biden administration committed a multitude of warships to the area, including two carrier strike groups, and several destroyers which have already used their capabilities to intercept missiles headed toward Israel from Yemen. The US also reportedly hastened the supply of already purchased guided bombs, artillery rounds, Iron Dome batteries, interceptors, and other equipment to Israel, while committing itself to an expanded aid package.
President Joe Biden even took it upon the US to deter Israel’s enemies (mainly Iran and Lebanese Hezbollah) from trying to expand the war and open other fronts by warning them “Don’t.” The newly elected speaker of the House stated that his first priority was putting forward a bill to provide aid to Israel.
The US commitment to Israel is not taking place in a strategic vacuum.
Both Russia and China hastened to place themselves on the side of the Palestinian terror groups and even recently welcomed a high-ranking Hamas delegation to Moscow. China used the tragedy to engage in a distasteful campaign against Israel and the US, ignoring Israel’s right and duty to defend itself, and allowing a patently antisemitic discourse to emerge from state-controlled social media. Senior Hamas official Khaled Mashaal openly stated that he had engaged with Chinese and Russian counterparts who expressed admiration for the October 7 attack and wished to learn from it for their future campaigns, including against Taiwan.
IN A Middle East that was moving toward greater acceptance of Israel as a partner, a (US-sponsored) potential deal to normalize relations between Israel and Saudi Arabia appears to have stalled because of the war. In addition, although many regional states in the US orbit would like to see Israel rout one or more of Iran’s proxy agents of chaos, they also fear the effects of a protracted regional war on their internal stability.
The US has a vested interest in Israeli victory against Iran's proxies
Against this backdrop, the US has a vested interest in a decisive Israeli victory against Hamas while effectively deterring other Iran-backed forces from taking steps to expand the conflict. That is a powerful message to China, Russia, and any other states considering deeper partnerships with Moscow and Beijing, that the US does not shy away from backing its partners against military threats.
As Israel continues to fight a multi-front war, the US could take additional steps to enhance deterrence against Iran and Hezbollah. It is apparent that Iran and Hezbollah are unsure whether President Biden’s warning to them not to expand the war is going to be backed up by action, mainly because they perceive that the political divide in the US and lack of appetite for another war will curtail any attempt to use force by the president.
Congress can bolster the president’s position and enhance the reliability of US deterrence by backing up his warning to Iran and Hezbollah with a bill that will provide him with authorization to use force against Hezbollah if it attacks Israel. The bill should include language that would put a time limit on such authorization, thus addressing the concerns of those who fear the US could find itself entangled in another war in the Middle East. A united front from within the US could go a long way in persuading Iran and Hezbollah to avoid risky and aggressive behavior.
As the IDF fights Hamas in Gaza and the northern border with Lebanese Hezbollah heats up, US assistance could prove valuable to Israel in the following areas:
- Helping the IDF restock: The war is going to deplete IDF stocks of interceptors, bombs, ammunition, and other military equipment. A significant step would be to increase the production capacity of military articles relevant to the IDF and expedite their procurement and delivery to Israel. Helping the IDF reconstitute its arsenal would go a long way in reestablishing Israeli deterrence against other threats and attempts at opportunistic attacks against it.
- Speeding up production of essential components: The US could also support expansion of production lines of Israeli hardware that are at least partly made in the US such as the Eitan and Namer APCs, chassis for Israeli tanks, and the next Israeli Artillery system.
- Viewing the Israeli defense industry as a strategic partner: The war in Ukraine was a reality check that exposed the major gaps in weapons production (such as artillery shells, Anti-Tank Guided Missiles, and shoulder-launched anti-aircraft missiles). In a world that is becoming more dominated by great power competition, the US should seek out a variety of ways to expand and diversify military production capacity in a manner that would be more capable, in sustaining a protracted war effort.
The Israeli defense industry should be viewed as a partner in this effort. Therefore, the US should support a vibrant defense ecosystem in Israel and consider reinstating Israel’s ability to use US aid to purchase weapons locally. The US should offer Israel to enhance overall military-industrial ties and have Israel provide the US preferential access to Israeli production lines at times of conflict (Israel manufactures guided bombs, artillery shells, and other articles that may be of interest to the US at times of conflict) and allow Israel to still use part of the aid in local industries.
Making Israel part of a “like-minded” coalition of close partners supporting a collective defense industrial base would yield greater benefits to US strategic interests than having Israel purchase more American hardware.
Overall, the war in Gaza could be the impetus for the US and Israel to develop even deeper cooperation in order to advance shared strategic interests. Enhancing defense industrial cooperation, including prioritization, production, and procurement, is an excellent place to start even, or especially, for those who would like to prevent the next regional war. As the saying goes, “If you want peace, prepare for war.”
The writer is a former senior analyst and strategic planner in the IDF and the Defense Ministry. He is an expert on national security and international affairs.