Since the Hamas terrorist attack on Israel on October 7, Iran-backed Houthi rebels have escalated tensions significantly.
They have hijacked and launched missiles at several cargo ships as well as at the American warship, the USS Carney in the Red Sea; and they have carried out multiple drone and ballistic missile strikes against Israel.
This surge in aggressive action by the Iranian regime’s proxies, especially now, by the Houthis not only threatens the safety of maritime activities but also necessitates a more robust and consistent response from the United States. Washington’s current cautious approach may inadvertently embolden Tehran, increasing the likelihood of a severe miscalculation that could spark a broader, more perilous regional conflict.
Why does the US need to retaliate against the Houthis?
The Houthis, officially named Ansar Allah, are not autonomous actors. They form part of the so-called Axis of Resistance, which has been strategically developed over the years by the Islamic regime in Iran.
The Axis of Resistance primarily consists of terrorist entities, including the Iranian regime and the Bashar al-Assad regime in Syria, as well as groups such as Hamas, Hezbollah, Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), the Houthi rebels, and various other militias comprising fighters from Afghan, Iraqi, Pakistani, and Syria deployed throughout the region. The Axis of Resistance is acting as force multipliers for the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) and its coercive influence network in the region, to dominate the Middle East and attack the United States and Israel on multiple fronts.
Houthis are a major player in the Axis of Resistance due to their proximity to the Red Sea’s strategic waterways, enabling the Iranian regime to disrupt maritime security and global shipping when necessary.
The IRGC supplies the Houthis with an array of weaponry including ballistic missiles and drones, along with training, technological expertise, and equipment. This support enables the Houthis to either upgrade their current arsenal or produce Iranian-designed arms locally, using smuggled parts. Some of the weapons that the IRGC has provided to the Houthis include an anti-ship ballistic missile called Tankil, closely resembling the IRGC’s Raad-500 missile. Another is the Typhoon, reportedly capable of striking targets up to 1,900 km., similar to the IRGC’s Ghadr ballistic missiles. Additionally, there’s the Hatam, similar to the IRGC’s Kheibar Shekan ballistic missile with a range of 1,450 km.
Moreover, the IRGC has provided the Houthis with various types of drones, including the Qasef-1 UAV, nicknamed kamikaze, which is used to target coalition missile defense systems in kamikaze-style attacks. The militants also utilize the Vaeed-2 (Shahid 136) and Ababil drones, fitted with high-explosive warheads, to engage high-value targets such as radar installations and Patriot missile batteries. Additionally, to help in naval battles, the Houthis have been supplied by the IRGC with unmanned, remote-controlled boats loaded with explosives, naval mines, and anti-ship and man-portable missiles.
With the military support of the IRGC, the Houthis have evolved into a major military force in the Arabian Peninsula. The group now has full control over the Bab al-Mandab Strait, through which 10% of global oil is transiting, enabling them to disrupt global shipping and compromise the safety of navigation in the Red Sea’s strategic waterways.
Arming and training aside, Houthi attacks on vessels and firing missiles at Israel are coordinated and fully enabled by Iran. According to open intelligence sources, Houthi representatives had discussed their recent attacks with regime officials during a meeting in Tehran in November 2023. Nasser Imani, a political analyst close to the regime, said “Iran considers Houthis in Yemen a major player and... more of a threat to Israel in the long term than Hamas or even Hezbollah.”
People affiliated with the IRGC noted that the regime will continue to use Houthis to attack Israeli and American-owned vessels operating in the Red Sea and to disrupt maritime security, global shipping, and energy supplies. The Houthis have already attacked commercial vessels several times and even threatened the US warships.
On land, the Iranian regime has instructed its other militia proxies to intensify their attacks on American military bases in Iraq and Syria. Since the October 7, Hamas terrorist attack, Shia militias have launched over 70 rocket and drone attacks at US troops in Iraq and Syria.
STILL, WASHINGTON seems to be playing along with Iran’s assertion that groups like the Houthis, as well as its other proxies in Iraq, Lebanon, and Syria, are acting independently. This is particularly concerning because such a stance could lead the regime leaders to believe that the Biden administration lacks the will to retaliate against Iran or its proxies. Consequently, they might perceive that there would be no significant consequence for ordering the Houthis to disrupt maritime security or to attack Israel.
Iran’s increasing aggression demands a stronger, more consistent, and comprehensive response from Washington. Washington’s fear of provoking a major conflict only heightens the likelihood that Tehran, emboldened by a lack of decisive pushback, may escalate its actions, potentially sparking an even larger and more dangerous regional conflict.
There are several measures the Biden administration can consider. Firstly, the US should officially and publicly acknowledge the Iranian regime’s responsibility for its proxies’ attacks against Israel, US forces, and the disruptions to maritime security. Such acknowledgment is crucial, as it communicates to the regime leaders that their aggressive actions will no longer be tolerated.
Secondly, considering that the Houthis’ disruption of maritime security in international waters falls under maritime terrorism as defined by the 1988 Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts Against the Safety of Maritime Navigation, President Joe Biden should reconsider designating the Houthis as a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO) and enforce stringent sanctions against them.
Finally, the United States should consider taking targeted military action against the Houthis, specifically aiming at their weapons storage sites. This would serve as a clear message to the Houthis that their aggression is unacceptable.
By taking a firm stance, the United States would signal a decisive shift in policy, deter further acts of aggression, and restore stability to the region.
Farhad Rezaei is a senior fellow at the Philos Project. Siavash Gholami holds a master’s degree in political science from the University of Toronto.