A recent study by the Jewish People Policy Institute (JPPI) found that “a large majority of secular Israeli Jews attach importance to their Jewish identity, and most express a strong sense of Jewishness.” When respondents were asked to rate, on a scale of 1 to 10, the degree to which they “feel Jewish,” the weighted result obtained for all secular Israeli Jews was on average 8.5 out of 10.
When people discuss Israeli secularism, they emphasize ideals like globalism, individualism, and even modern capitalism – ideas that resonate with the contemporary values of the 21st century. These aspirations, while noble and productive, fail to fully capture the essence of Israeli secularism.
Secular Israelis aren’t just floating in a sea of abstract principles – they are anchored by a rich legacy that finds depth in the cultural-historical experience of the Jewish people. In a 2017 Haaretz article, Ram Fruman delved into the secular worldview, exploring its historical roots and relevance in modern Israeli culture. While I largely agree with his analysis, there’s a crucial element he overlooked. Fruman rightly emphasized the historical link between Zionism and the Jewish Enlightenment movement, or Haskalah, in Eastern and Central Europe. However, his portrayal of the Enlightenment is somewhat incomplete. He described the movement as an effort to “open up to the wide non-Jewish world a turn toward modernity and rationalism, a liberation from the yoke of commandments and the belief in God.” But the adherents of the movement – the Maskilim – were not simply striving to become citizens of the world. They also embraced the principle of “be a Jew at home and a human being in the street.” While they rejected religiosity and its precepts, they did not renounce their Jewish identity. Instead, they sought to reframe it as a modern, cultural identity, much like others in Europe who were shifting from identifying as Catholics to identifying as Italians or Romanians. The Maskilim understood that being a “man” in the fullest sense required being rooted in a specific national culture. Though they may not have been familiar with the ideas of Giuseppe Mazzini, the liberal Italian nationalist who proclaimed that “the way to being a citizen of the world is by being a citizen of my nation and my homeland,” they certainly spoke his language. It was also not by accident that Heinrich Graetz, the father of modern Jewish historiography, chose to begin his seminal work, The History of the Jewish People, not with the theological origins of Judaism – Abraham’s covenant, the exodus from Egypt, or the divine revelation at Sinai – but with Joshua’s acquisition of the Land. Graetz underscores a crucial point: This is the history of a nation, not merely a religion. While religion undeniably became a central pillar of Jewish identity following the exile, the foundation of Jewish history is inherently national. The focus on land, peoplehood, and sovereignty is not incidental; it is fundamental. The Jewish enlightenment, Haskalah, was more than a cultural revival – it was a transformative movement that ultimately paved the way for Zionism. While the Maskilim didn’t advocate for a physical return to the Land of Israel, their efforts laid the groundwork for a significant cultural shift. In the 19th century, the Enlightenment spurred a turn toward the Hebrew language, not solely as a sacred tongue or a vehicle for prayer but as a means to forge a modern Jewish consciousness. The Enlightenment was deeply intertwined with the cultural heritage of the Jewish people, recognizing that renewal required reconnecting with their past in a dynamic way. This reconnection manifested in the revival of Hebrew as a living language, leading to the birth of modern Hebrew literature in Eastern Europe – whether in prose, poetry, or political commentary. The Maskilim also undertook the ambitious project of translating masterpieces of world literature into Hebrew, thus broadening the scope of Jewish intellectual life. The creation of Hebrew journals and newspapers helped transcend political borders, fostering a modern Jewish culture that was both unified and diverse. The ripple effects of this cultural renaissance were profound. Hebrew moved beyond the confines of sacred texts and entered the traditional heder – the primary school for Jewish boys – ultimately leading to the establishment of Hebrew-language schools. What began as a cultural revival evolved into a movement that reshaped Jewish identity, setting the stage for the next phase: the emergence of Zionism and the eventual rebirth of a Jewish homeland. The Jewish enlightenment also placed the Bible at the core of Jewish identity – not as a sacred text but as a vital expression of the Jewish people’s spiritual and moral heritage. Judaism’s Iliad and Odyssey. This perspective elevated the prophetic tradition, recognizing it not only as rooted in Jewish history but also as a source of universal moral principles. The reverence for the Bible in secular Zionism stems from this very connection. The Haskalah’s influence is evident in the curriculum of Hebrew-language schools, both in the Diaspora and in the Land of Israel, where the Bible was taught as a foundational cultural text. This was not mere rhetoric; it shaped the worldview of many of the founding fathers and mothers of the State of Israel. When questioned about her belief or non-belief in the divine, former Israeli prime minister Golda Meir said: “I believe in the Jewish people, and the Jewish people believe in God.” It is important to recount what makes Zionism unique in this regard. In contrast to other nationalist ideologies that faded away after establishing a nation-state, Zionism in its various iterations has continued to thrive and evolve long after the creation of the State of Israel. This distinctiveness can be attributed to several factors. Firstly, Zionism’s constructive vision has provided the state and the Jewish people with an enduring sense of purpose and resilience, enabling them to confront and overcome challenges. Secondly, its democratic institutions have consistently attracted and engaged Jews from around the world, requiring a continuous supply of ideological engagement. Thirdly, the state has continually faced the need to justify its existence amid persistent attacks from neighboring enemies and enduring global antisemitism. However, there is another layer. In Theodor Herzl’s work Altneuland, we witness a departure from the usual approach. While national movements typically present manifestos outlining their territorial claims, historical narratives, and desired objectives, no other national movement provides such a detailed blueprint of the envisioned society after attaining independence. Herzl’s book delves into the actions and aspirations of Jews once they establish a state, vividly portraying the social fabric of the country and outlining the democratic nature of its institutions. This vision fundamentally shapes the political worldview of the broader secular public. It clarifies why there was significant resistance to the government’s judicial overhaul before October 7. It also sheds light on the visceral response to the recent far-right assault on the Sde Teiman base, which is perceived as a harbinger of deeper issues. Moreover, it illuminates the secular stance on the interplay between religion and state. There are many intellectuals who can produce strong arguments against faith in God, but many overlook that some people who cling to religion (in Israel and elsewhere) do so not because they are certain about the correctness of theological and metaphysical arguments concerning divinity but because religion provides them with a concrete framework for their self-identity and sense of security as human beings. In other words, religion isn’t only a matter of faith in the creator of the universe; it’s also a focus of identity. Anyone who doesn’t understand this will not grasp why, despite all the achievements of the Enlightenment, religion hasn’t disappeared from the world. This is a cognitive error that the religious Right in Israel exploits excessively well for political gain. Given what Israel is currently facing, there is now an open platform for the secular front – both politically and culturally – to present its identity and historical dimensions, which have been missing from its message over the last few decades. This message is likely to resonate with wider segments of the population, more so than any desire to win an election in the name of globalism, which will always fall short when confronting viewpoints rooted in religious identity and truculent nationalism. If the secular front in Israel wants to gain increased political support, it will need to begin not by stating what it is, but by defining who it is.■ The writer is a Fellow at the Jewish People Policy Institute (JPPI).The rich legacy of Jewish secularism
