This week was a perfect example of how, in Israel, politics are never far from the surface – even when the stakes are national security. Decisions that should be clear-cut often appear to be motivated by political calculations, making it difficult to know what is truly driving events.
Take the IDF’s resumption of offensive operations against Hamas targets in Gaza early Tuesday morning. On the face of it, the move made sense. Since the January ceasefire, Hamas has wasted no time rearming, replenishing its ranks, and tightening its control of Gaza. It has flatly refused the so-called “Witkoff Framework,” the latest outline for a continuation of the hostage deal.
From a military perspective, resuming the strikes has logic. Pressure is key. Without it – and despite Washington’s tough talk – there isn’t enough incentive for Hamas to return to negotiations. Renewed IDF attacks could serve as the lever that pushes Hamas back to the table or, at the very least, signals Israel’s readiness to retake Gaza if necessary. But then comes the twist. Just hours after the offensive began, Itamar Ben-Gvir was back.
The far-right minister, who resigned from the government in January after the initial hostage deal was signed, had returned and was sworn in again as national security minister.
His reappearance could not have been more convenient for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who now has the votes needed to pass the state budget – even if the ultra-Orthodox factions abstain over the ongoing IDF draft exemption dispute. So what is this really about? Was the offensive launched purely to pressure Hamas? Or was it equally about shoring up the coalition, paving the way for Ben-Gvir’s return? Is it one or the other – or both?
The same question applies to Netanyahu’s decision to push for the dismissal of Shin Bet (Israel Security Agency) chief Ronen Bar. The timing is, to put it mildly, curious. A war is raging, the Gaza offensive has resumed for the first time in months, 24 living hostages are still languishing in Hamas captivity – and yet Netanyahu decided now is the moment to convene ministers to vote on replacing the head of the Shin Bet.
No one disputes that Bar, as the head of Israel’s internal security service on October 7, bears responsibility for the intelligence failures of that day. But why remove him now? Is this, as Netanyahu claims, about trust – about restoring confidence in Israel’s security leadership during wartime – or is this, too, a decision with a heavy dose of political interest?
The Shin Bet is currently involved in sensitive investigations into figures close to Netanyahu. One probe involves allegations that a Netanyahu spokesperson obtained and leaked classified intelligence material; another is the so-called “Qatargate,” which reportedly implicates members of the prime minister’s inner circle.
Of course, the prime minister and his ministers have the legal authority to dismiss a security chief. That is the difference between an elected official in a democracy and a civil servant. But the timing, coupled with the tense political atmosphere, makes it hard to ignore the other moving parts – especially Netanyahu’s tweet on Wednesday night accusing the “deep state” of conspiring against Israel’s “strong right-wing leader.”
That tweet followed a video Netanyahu released earlier that day, warning that leftists embedded in Israel’s civil service are working to undermine him and his government. The timing was interesting. Why is this the message now, just as war escalates, with hostages and dead Israelis still in Hamas captivity?
The answer appears to be twofold. On one level, Netanyahu is laying the groundwork to explain why he is targeting Bar and others, like Attorney-General Gali Baharav-Miara. Without naming them, he is painting them as part of the deep state – part of a leftist plot to prevent him from governing.
But there’s another layer. Netanyahu is also trying to present himself as the man who is “cleaning house.” By removing senior officials, he can tell the Israeli public that he is ridding the defense establishment and civil service of those responsible for the failures of October 7.
The aim is to show that he has cleared the deck and is ready to steer Israel in a new direction – one clean of the so-called deep state as well as those who failed to prevent the worst attack in the country’s history.
The fact that Netanyahu himself was the prime minister on October 7 – and for about 12 years before that – does not seem to factor into this narrative. The narrative being told is less about personal accountability and more about shifting blame onto others. It is a classic bait and switch, an all-too-familiar diversion with this government.
Attention is diverted from Gaza hostages
The real tragedy here is that while attention is diverted – while focus is placed on invisible enemies and deep-state conspiracies – the core challenges remain unresolved. The hostages are still in Gaza, there is no clear strategy for the war, the ultra-Orthodox continue to avoid the draft and receive billions in benefits. And now, a purge of the Shin Bet and judiciary seems to be underway.
This week was a reminder that in today’s Israel, even when the guns are firing, politics is the loudest noise in the room. But here is the main question: Is there anyone still listening to the war itself?
The writer is a senior fellow at the Jewish People Policy Institute and a former editor-in-chief of The Jerusalem Post.