Does Israel want to be a Jewish state or a democratic state?
It seems that the main division lines appear to be on the question of Israel as a Jewish state or Israel as a democratic state.
By GERSHON BASKINTHE DIVIDE between Blue and White’s leaders.(photo credit: REUTERS)
The political events of the past year and a half, during which time Israel was immersed in repeated elections and the recent coalition formation, have demonstrated more than ever that Israeli society is deeply divided. The sudden appearance of a “unity government” is an expression of exhaustion and frustration by newly elected politicians without the fortitude to represent the people who sent them to the Knesset.It is impossible to understand how Benny Gantz and Gabby Ashkenazi, who in three election campaigns promised the public that they would not sit with Benyamin Netanyahu, would agree to be in a “two-headed” government in which they are clearly nothing more than back benchers. It is even more difficult to understand how Amir Peretz and Itzik Shmueli from the Labor Party collapsed and reneged on their promises to the voters and have joined the new government as well.It can’t just be the political greed for power or the desire to receive the glory and benefits of being a minister in the government. Part of it must truly be their belief that their actions are for the public benefit of the State of Israel.Gantz and Ashkenazi claim that they represent the majority of their voters and, together with Netanyahu, have a clear majority of the Israeli public behind them. This is, unfortunately, probably true.The race to join the government of Netanyahu does not really have anything to do with the corona crisis, however, because not only were none of the Blue White or Labor people involved in the crucial decision making of recent weeks, there is nothing in the coalition agreement that even vaguely deals with the crisis.Netanyahu has already declared victory over corona as a personal achievement of his own. The entire coalition agreement is about the allocation of positions and jobs and mechanisms that reflect the total lack of trust between the various coalition partners. There does not seem to be even a hint of ideological discussions and debates that took place in the coalition negotiations.I WAS out demonstrating against the new government in front of the Supreme Court and in front of the Prime Minister’s Residence. One of the slogans chanted was “we are the majority.” But looking around at the few hundred people there, I thought to myself: We probably are not the majority.The majority of Israelis seem quite accepting and perhaps even supportive of the new government – and mostly the fact that Benyamin Netanyahu is continuing to rule Israel.The majority of Israelis are content with our lot. Life is good they say: why change? So what if Netanyahu is a little corrupt – all politicians are corrupt. Who really cares? So he got rich off of insider information from his cousin. So what if he smoked a lot of expensive cigars and gave his rich friends some favors? So what if he allowed some cronies and some relatives to make some money from submarine deals – everyone does it.The main thing is that we have a good life, terrorism is down, and Netanyahu is a respected leader on the world stage, up there with the leaders of the most important countries. Israel’s international standing is better than ever. Until corona, we took to the skies, and Israelis were going all over the world and still had money in their pockets. This is what many people say – and this is what I hear almost every day.
For those of us in the minority, the picture looks very different. It is inconceivable to me that a Member of Knesset indicted with crimes of breach of public trust and bribery could stand for prime minister. It is not a legal question – it is one of values, morality and politics. Of course, there is a presumption of innocence until proven otherwise. But we would not agree to have a teacher indicted of such crimes teach our children, so how could we agree to allow him to run our country?But even beyond that, the political direction of our prime minister is leading Israel directly to either bi-nationalism, or a de jure, bi-national, undemocratic reality. Why should that surprise us? That has been the reality created in Israel over the past 52 years.The reason is because there has always been, at least the façade that Israel was extending its hand in peace to the Palestinian people. There has been the claim that if the Palestinians would only recognize Israel as the nation-state of the Jewish people, we could then find a partner and make peace. Even if this has been a lie, it was a convenient lie that a large part of the public bought into. Now even that doesn’t exist.I LOOKED at the other people demonstrating with me. They were largely white (Ashkenazi) and secular. The division within Israeli society seems to be very much along parallel lines of division between those who have a religious orientation of their values and those who are secular. To a large extent (not completely), these are the same lines that divide Ashkenazi Israelis and Mizrahi Israelis (of course there are many exceptions to this, including my wife and now my children as well). There are some lefty religious people, and not all Mizrahis are right-wing Netanyahu supporters.But when you go to a Peace Now demonstration, there are very few non-kippa-wearing men in the crowd. When you go to a pro-settlement demonstration, there are very few secular people in the crowd.It seems that the main division lines appear to be on the question of Israel as a Jewish state or Israel as a democratic state. Where should the emphasis be and from where do we take guidance – from rabbis or from courts? It is also becoming quite clear that the idea of Jewish and democracy together doesn’t work anymore, despite that it is the accepted platitude to describe who we are.The writer is a political and social entrepreneur who has dedicated his life to the State of Israel and to peace between Israel and her neighbors. His latest book, In Pursuit of Peace in Israel and Palestine, was published by Vanderbilt University Press.
