US dems can be be model for Israelis - opinion

Biden will not save Israeli democracy, but Democrats can teach us how to do it ourselves.

 AN ABORTION rights activist charges that the US Supreme Court is ‘illegitimate,’ at a protest in Washington, in June, on the first anniversary of the court ruling which overturned Roe v Wade. (photo credit: Elizabeth Frantz/Reuters)
AN ABORTION rights activist charges that the US Supreme Court is ‘illegitimate,’ at a protest in Washington, in June, on the first anniversary of the court ruling which overturned Roe v Wade.
(photo credit: Elizabeth Frantz/Reuters)

Over a year ago, Democrats were hit hard when the Supreme Court overturned Roe v Wade.

Biden’s approval ratings were at an all-time low, and polls predicted a resounding loss in the upcoming midterms. But “in the midst of chaos, there is also opportunity.” The Democrats managed to reinvigorate themselves, achieving crucial wins in the midterms as the mighty “red wave” became a small ripple.

How did they turn things around, and what can the Israeli democracy protest movement learn from them?

Initially, the Republicans viewed the overruling as a huge win, bringing hope to the defeated Trump camp. Despite Democrats controlling the presidency, House, and Senate, they saw it as the beginning of the end. However, the celebration was short-lived.

In hindsight, the Republicans’ excessive overreach backfired. The well-planned, sophisticated, political maneuvers leading to the repeal of Roe v Wade blinded them to the nuanced views of American society. While indeed split down the middle on being “pro-choice” or “pro-life,” according to recent polls only 13% oppose abortion in any situation.

 US PRESIDENT Joe Biden delivers remarks at Vilnius University during the NATO leaders’ summit in Lithuania, earlier this month (credit: YVES HERMAN/REUTERS)
US PRESIDENT Joe Biden delivers remarks at Vilnius University during the NATO leaders’ summit in Lithuania, earlier this month (credit: YVES HERMAN/REUTERS)

Americans overwhelmingly support some degree of access to abortion

In contrast, 85% of Americans support some level of access to abortion. The vast majority supports abortion but simply disagrees about the circumstances.

This data spread bears a striking resemblance to public opinion in Israel regarding the judicial overhaul led by Netanyahu and his right-wing government.

After passing the reasonableness clause last week, new polls show that only 22% want to continue legislating unilaterally, with 33% favoring halting it entirely, and 29% supporting moving forward with the opposition’s agreement. Like the United States, in Israel, the majority seeks compromise rather than an extreme approach.

How did such a substantial disparity emerge between governmental decisions and the general public’s opinion? In both countries, a significant portion of the right-wing voters does not fully support the actions of their leaders. Most Republicans (66%) favor abortion under certain circumstances.

Similarly, 43% of Likud voters in Israel support abandoning the reform in favor of national unity.


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A government acting against the majority’s will can be disheartening but also presents a rare opportunity. The Democrats were able to capitalize on this situation, at least for now. So, what precisely did they do, and what lessons can the protest movement in Israel learn from their experience?

One galvanizing message: The fight for the right to abortion re-ignited the grassroots activists, increased donations to Democratic candidates, and gave the campaigns a unifying message. They had a new common enemy but also emphasized their values – a fight for democracy and equal rights.

The message significantly increased the voting percentage of young people and women, bringing the Democrats significant achievements in close races.

The democratic camp in Israel needs the same unifying and clear message. For two decades, the center-left lost its unique message. Right-wing parties have adopted liberal ideas like LGBT rights, and the Left has practically given up on the Peace process. Now there is an opportunity to re-mark the camp lines.

A broad tent will include the Left, parts of the Arab society, the liberal Right, and moderate religious Zionists. Now is the time to set a refreshing vision for Israeli democracy.

Immediate electoral gains: the Democrats had a clear goal – the mid-terms. The elections are still far away in Israel, but much can be done. Party ranks must be refreshed with relevant candidates. Coordinating mechanisms are needed between the parties.

Simultaneously, the forthcoming elections in local municipalities should be a top priority. City councils should be seen as vital fortresses in defending Israeli democracy.

However, municipal councils alone are not enough. What the protest movement recently achieved at the Bar Association can be replicated in any neighborhood committee, education board, or residents’ assembly. Standing for election – organizing and winning – is crucial wherever a obtain a position of influence can be achieved.

Holding any possible position: Government positions in the US are still considered a sought-after and respected employment goal. The “Obama era” created an exciting narrative that attracted the best minds to the White House and state institutions. These centers of power allowed the Democrats to hold influence. And in Israel?

Since prime minister Rabin’s assassination, the “Peace Camp” elite chose to exclude themselves from politics as they sought influence in hi-tech, media, and civil society. In contrast, after the disengagement from Gaza, the settler right consistently worked to integrate into the army and state institutions.

The new “Democratic Camp” must seek government, army, and public service positions. Whoever already has a position, now is not the time to resign. You are the people at the front who defend democracy.

In the last six months, we saw increased involvement of American Jews and the US government in the internal struggles of Israeli society. However, at this critical moment, speeches by rabbis, White House press releases, or even an angry phone call from Biden will not save Israeli democracy. Only we can do that ourselves, with a little help  – and inspiration – from our friends.

The writer is an expert on Israel-US relations and world Jewry and a former director of the Reut Institute. He has an MA in American Jewish Studies from Haifa University and is currently an MPA at the Harvard Kennedy School.