Pidyon shvuyim, the mitzvah, or commandment, of redeeming captives, is deeply rooted in Jewish tradition. Israel should emulate the US-Russia prisoner exchange and hold by it.
Our liturgy states, “Acheinu kol beit Yisrael” (Machzor Vitry), reminding us that those in captivity are all siblings to each and to every other Jew. This mitzvah is not just about helping the needy: It is a quest for the restoration of our collective self. The Talmud views redeeming captives as a “mitzvah rabbah,” a great mitzvah (Tractate Bava Batra 8b), underscoring the profound ethical duty embedded in this commandment, and says that captivity is worse than starvation and death.
And Maimonides decrees that one who ignores ransoming a captive is guilty of transgressing several commandments – and that those who delay in ransoming a captive are considered as murderers (Yoreh Deah 252:3).
But pidyon shvuyim is not an absolute. Redeeming captives must be weighed against the welfare of the entire community. There is also reason to fear incentivizing further kidnapping.
Taken hostage and held for a dramatic price, Rabbi Meir of Rothenburg (Germany, 1215-1293) refused to be ransomed at an exorbitant price, citing Mishnah Gittin 4:6: “We do not ransom captives for more than they are worth, due to Tikkun HaOlam [fixing the world]. We do not help captives escape, due to Tikkun HaOlam. [But] Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel (Jerusalem c. 10 BCE–70 CE) says: ‘[It is] due to the enactment of the [remaining] captives.’” Jeopardizing his own safety for the greater good, the rabbi illustrated the complex interplay between individual sacrifice and collective security.
The Tosafot (Ketubot 52a:16:1) elaborates on this, framing the debate in two ways. The first is the immediate risk: In that moment, a high ransom poses a risk to other hostages and to the community. The second concern is for the future: Will paying the high ransom incentivize further hostage-taking?
The question of deterrence
BUT THESE classic Jewish sources were written in circumstances very different than those current. They come from a world in which Jews had no power. Short of the coming of the Messiah, they didn’t envision Jewish sovereignty and a Jewish army. That introduces another factor into the equation: unlike the days of Rabbi Meir of Rothenburg, these modern Israelis are able to deliver a crushing military blow.
Israeli society has focused on this question of deterrence – how to avoid incentivizing future hostage-taking by ensuring Hamas could never commit such heinous acts again. But it is now grappling with a question of what it means to sacrifice freedom for eventual safety.
For too many in Israel, it seems as though the hostages have become an afterthought, with the elimination and eradication of Hamas taking precedence. This raises a critical dilemma: how do we balance the immediate need to save lives with the long-term goal of ensuring security and peace?
The defeats to Hamas’s military have been noteworthy in that quest for deterrence. Since October 7, Israel has successfully targeted key Hamas infrastructure, eliminated very high-ranking operatives, and dismantled weapons stockpiles. These achievements have undeniably substantially weakened the terrorist group’s operational capabilities.
Nevertheless, though Hamas may have taken a big military hit, support for it has actually increased among everyday Palestinians. According to a recent poll, two-thirds of all Palestinians think the October 7 attack was a correct decision, and support for armed struggle has risen by eight percentage points to 54%.
Support for Hamas rose by six percent to 40%, and dissatisfaction with the Palestinian Authority has increased, with 89% now wanting PA president Mahmoud Abbas to resign. (Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research).
HOW DO we address the tragic reality that, in pursuit of deterrence, in pursuit of Jewish safety, Israel may have only helped usher in a new era of scrutiny and targeting of Jews? Perhaps it is too late: Israel has already cast itself as persona non grata on the world stage, with demonstrations in major cities and on campuses worldwide, condemnation from world leaders, sanctions, and diplomatic isolation.
Israel cannot afford to fall into the trap of an endless game of whack-a-mole with our enemies while so many hostages wait for us. We cannot tell hundreds of family members, loved ones and friends that, for a little while longer, the hostages’ safety must come second to the eventual greater safety which we may now never see.
This has led to further deterioration in the relationship between many American Jews and Israel, as well as between Israel and the world. Week after week, some of the largest protests in Israeli history have taken place. The Knesset is almost falling apart. It could all be over so quickly if Israel prioritizes a hostage deal and brings them home now.
Our love for the captives and the imperative to bring them home is not just a humanitarian act but a strategic necessity to prevent future tragedies. Though Hamas’s rockets have been destroyed on the ground and in the air, on the international stage, they’ve been armed with more ammunition than we ever could have imagined.
By prioritizing a hostage deal – even at this difficult moment in negotiations – Israel can demonstrate that it values human life above all, potentially mending relationships and restoring its standing globally, at least somewhat. This would not only honor the profound mitzvah of pidyon shvuyim – redemption of captives – but perhaps it would strike a balance between the two concerns about which the Tosafot spoke. Israel has made it clear just to what extent it is willing to go to bring its hostages home.
A deal now does not signal weakness, nor does it disadvantage Israel in this moment, but rather unifies families and loved ones and closes one of the darkest chapters in Israeli history. At the same time, by bringing them home now, Israel protects its own future, ensuring that rather than falling into further isolation, it can begin to repair its image and relationships with the world, and ensure a strong democratic future with vibrant diplomacy rooted in shared values.
Perhaps Hamas hasn’t been destroyed, but they have been exhausted. There is fatigue on both sides – and far too many dead. It’s time to seal the deal.
Therefore, we must join the growing call from families of hostages in Gaza for a deal, and we cannot rest till all of them are home.
“There is no mitzvah greater than the redeeming of captives” (Maimonides, Mishneh Torah, Hilchot Matanot Aniyim 8:11).
The writer, a former Bill Clinton White House aide, has for decades been a media adviser to dozens of major Jewish organizations and is a self-described small-time activist with UnXeptable in Washington, DC.