Ex-IDF Maj.-Gen.: Leadership failure shattered Israel’s defense - urgent reform needed - opinion

Since October 7, Israelis have lost faith in the IDF's ability to protect them. Within the IDF, many battalions and tactical commanders displayed irresponsibility and poor readiness.

 IDF soldiers operate in southern Lebanon. (photo credit: IDF SPOKESPERSON'S UNIT)
IDF soldiers operate in southern Lebanon.
(photo credit: IDF SPOKESPERSON'S UNIT)

October 7 was the darkest day in our history—a day when not only did Israel's entire security apparatus fail, but the ethos, confidence, and trust in the IDF collapsed. The military, long seen as Israel's protector, wasn’t there to save us. In a single day, Israel's powerful image also vanished. Several factors contributed to this: a prolonged process of "Batsheization" (a term referring to the degeneration of readiness and preparedness in the IDF), which bred arrogance and complacency; a political leadership disconnected from reality since the elections; and a divided public that lost focus because of its own government. All of this stemmed from an arrogant mindset—"it won't happen to us."

This situation was made possible by a decade-old delusional political concept: that the Palestinian issue was no longer relevant and that a strong Hamas would weaken the Palestinian Authority. This was compounded by cynical politics that prioritized quiet at any cost and strategic shortsightedness in assessing the severity of the growing threats around us. The social rifts, fueled by the judicial overhaul and the perception of a disintegrating Israel, emboldened [Yahya] Sinwar to launch his attack.

Within the IDF, many battalions and tactical commanders displayed irresponsibility and poor readiness, failing to grasp that this was not just an incursion, but an actual war and massacre. On the ground, the collapse of the IDF's defense network—whose deployment was flawed from the beginning—enabled chaos and a lack of control. This prevented a timely recovery for hours. There wasn’t enough initiative to regain control of the situation; most efforts were focused on heroic but ultimately misguided rescue operations, rather than on recapturing territory, which was desperately needed. Even worse, some units that were already mobilized sat back and avoided engagement, citing various excuses.

Beyond the horrific disaster, the greatest damage is the profound trust crisis. Citizens have lost faith in the IDF's ability to protect them and come to their aid in times of need. The positive note is that the IDF recovered relatively quickly from the initial blow. Within days, it cleared the area of 1,500 infiltrating terrorists, and within three weeks, it launched an offensive that defeated Hamas.

This is the most complex war the IDF has faced in over a year, spanning three main fronts—Gaza, Lebanon, and the West Bank—and four secondary ones—Syria, Iran, Yemen, and Iraq. So far, the achievements have been significant. Hamas’ military wing has been dismantled, and Hezbollah—once the terror of the region—has been decapitated. Its capabilities are severely damaged, and its operations have become chaotic and weakened. Iran, too, has suffered severe blows and appears more fragile than ever. It is safe to say that Iran's entire proxy doctrine has collapsed. Even Iran’s own threat now seems diminished, though they still possess the ability to launch a large number of missiles. However, they are embarrassed by the enormous technological gap between themselves, Israel, and the West. Their attacks on Israel have failed twice now, yielding no meaningful results.

 Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei speaks during the Friday Prayers and a commemoration ceremony of late Lebanon's Hezbollah leader, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, in Tehran, Iran, October 4, 2024. (credit: Office of the Iranian Supreme Leader/WANA (West Asia News Agency)/Handout via REUTERS)
Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei speaks during the Friday Prayers and a commemoration ceremony of late Lebanon's Hezbollah leader, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, in Tehran, Iran, October 4, 2024. (credit: Office of the Iranian Supreme Leader/WANA (West Asia News Agency)/Handout via REUTERS)

This is the moment to shift focus from military efforts to diplomatic ones. This crisis also presents an opportunity to push for a new regional order, led by the United States. It could spearhead reconstruction following the collapse of states that have fallen into the hands of fundamentalist terrorist organizations. In Lebanon, for example, there is, for the first time, an opportunity to rebuild the Lebanese army, take responsibility for internal affairs, form a strong government, outlaw Hezbollah, remove it from the political arena, and deploy the Lebanese army in southern

Lebanon to prevent Hezbollah from reaching Israel’s borders.

In Syria, Iranian influence can be dismantled and expelled through Hezbollah. In Gaza, a ceasefire could be reached in exchange for the return of all hostages, with the establishment of a non-Hamas professional government, supervised by an international committee. This body would rebuild Gaza with the help of moderate Arab states, ensuring it remains demilitarized and preventing Hamas’ return.

With Iran, a new agreement could be pursued, where Iran commits to rolling back its nuclear enrichment program under strict supervision, halting all arms shipments to terrorist organizations and foreign states, and pledging to end subversion efforts. A strategic diplomatic plan led by the U.S. and Europe could stabilize the region within three years, culminating in the Saudi peace agreement, the establishment of a regional defense coalition, and the implementation of regional development projects that would strengthen the economy of peace and the ties between nations in the region. Israel would, of course, need to restore the world’s trust, but the truth is, the world also needs Israel’s leadership. Israel doesn’t hesitate to fight terrorism and fundamentalism—issues that are now global problems, not just regional ones.

Internally, Israel must embark on a journey of healing. A strong unity government must be formed, one that will first and foremost strengthen and fortify the judicial system and Israel's liberal democratic foundations. The Declaration of Independence should be redefined with greater legal weight and recognized as a constitution. The power of the government, particularly the prime minister, should be limited, including term limits. The civil service system within government ministries needs to be significantly improved and depoliticized.

The state education system must be greatly strengthened. Significant efforts will be required to mend the societal rifts exposed by the painful war and to reconnect the fractured public. Although Israel's economy has been hit hard, it is in a position to recover, possibly even quickly. However, restoring foreign investments will be more challenging, and it may be necessary to turn to Jewish capital abroad, mobilizing it as part of a new chapter in Zionism, built on the lessons of the past year.


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The ability to withstand such a massive crisis and confront so many challenges is undoubtedly part of the ethos and true strength of the people of Israel. The country has demonstrated incredible solidarity and resilience in every field throughout this year, proving beyond any doubt that we are all here and will continue to fight together for a better future for our children.