The American administration under president Donald Trump waged a worldwide campaign against China. Trump accused the Chinese of exploiting international trade agreements in a way that gave them a dramatic advantage over the Americans, and opened up markets for them that were closed to American products.
Moreover, America is extremely fearful of China’s strategy, which many believe aims to turn China into the most important world power, while simultaneously pushing the US down to a second-tier status and to make China the dominant political and military power in the world.
This American fear is nothing new. It was not invented by the Trump administration. Trump’s style made it appear like we would have a real “world war.” The threatening style, warnings of a global dispute, Trump’s threats on China’s economic and political allies – together, all of these created an atmosphere of crisis that has aggravated relations between the two countries, and perhaps even thwarted the possibility of establishing arrangements that would serve the interests of both sides, as well as the interests of these two great powers’ many satellite states.
Years ago, at a small conference I attended with opinion leaders, statesmen and heads of large American and foreign economic corporations, I heard a discussion on US-China relations. The speakers, including the most senior senators, officials in the US administration (at the time, it was George W. Bush’s first term), and the most senior American journalists, spoke about the need to curtail China, using terminology that was reminiscent of the panic former prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu used to talk about when dealing with the Iran issue.
I admit that the intensity of the concerns expressed by the Americans hailing from both of the two major political parties, along with a very broad consensus among the American public, shocked me. At the time, I was the acting prime minister and I participated in quite a few strategic sessions in Israel, including on issues related to our long-term relationship with the United States, US-China relations, the US’s leading position in the world arena, and of course, on Israel-China relations.
I told American listeners that their fear of China and their concern that China would overpower the US’s economic power, political influence and military deterrence were of great concern to me, too. Over the last few decades I have become quite familiar with the American public arena. I was lucky enough to be active in the government of the State of Israel during the terms of a number of American presidents, starting with Ronald Reagan, and continuing with George HW Bush, Bill Clinton and George W. Bush. This was a very influential period in the balance of world power. I never imagined that the US would be afraid of China to such an extent.
I then told American leaders (even before I became prime minister) that in times when Israel must make crucial decisions that affect its very existence, we always take into consideration that America has our back, and that this support is an essential element in the sense of security that we Israelis feel about the future of their country. I would tell them that when I hear the Americans talking about their fear of China, I too begin to worry that the US’s strength is actually much weaker than we thought it was, in particular the image of its strength.
I FEEL OBLIGATED to make it clear that this impression has nothing to do with President Joe Biden’s decision to withdraw from Afghanistan. That was a justified decision, and it is in no way a manifestation of true weakness. The Taliban is a violent, radical and homicidal organization, but it does not pose a threat to world peace or to the US’s fundamental interests. The US has many and varied means to carry out powerful strikes against the Taliban without its troops becoming a stationary target inside Afghanistan. The security of the US, or of its allies, as well as the political stability of the region, is not dependent on maintaining a physical military presence in Afghanistan.
In a broader context, the Americans’ concerns vis-à-vis China are leading it to define rules of conduct that have a direct impact on us, on our international standing and on our relations with important countries, including first and foremost, China itself.
The Americans’ demand that Israel limit its involvement with China regarding all matters related to the military, modern weaponry, or cyber technology that could be exploited in a way that may threaten US security is understandable, and a correct balance must be found.
China’s involvement in Israel’s civil affairs does not pose any risks, nor does it endanger important Israeli interests or pose any indirect threat to US interests.
There is no disputing that the strategic partnership between Israel and the US forms the basis for the security of the existence of the State of Israel, and that every Israeli must be aware of this. I have no doubt that these are the guidelines that the current government, as well as previous governments, including the one led by Netanyahu, is following.
However, alongside our essential commitment to the US, we have considerable room to maneuver regarding legitimate areas of controversy. One example is the gap in which measures should be taken against Iran. Obama and Biden’s America believes that the potential threat from a nuclear Iran does not justify taking action in ways that we are recommending but rather to attempt and reach an agreement similar to the 2015 JCPOA.
There is a significant gap between Israel and the US’s expectations vis-a-vis the US taking a more active and vigorous role in Iraq, Syria and the entire region, especially in light of the fact that Russia has become the sole dominant force dictating the rules of conduct in the region, and also because of the appearance of America’s passive attitude in this area.
The same can be said regarding the Palestinian issue: Obama and Biden support a two-state solution, whereas the current Israeli government does not.
The same is true with China. I believe the demand that Israel restricts its civil relations with China and put a stop to the economic cooperation and strategic projects it has begun with Chinese companies is excessive and unjustified. The Chinese are building the new Haifa Port. The fear expressed by some that China’s presence in Haifa could lead to strategic danger for Israel is unfounded.
The participation of Chinese companies in the construction of the Tel Aviv Light Rail poses no danger, and if these companies are willing to complete the project and operate it under better terms than other companies, then Chinese companies must be allowed to compete for these tenders.
The strategic damage to Israel caused by the delay in completing the construction of the Tel Aviv Light Rail is immeasurably greater than the strategic danger of involving Chinese companies in this huge project.
At the end of the day, the US will reach a trade agreement with China that suits its interests, and I’m not at all sure that the economic benefits for Israel that are expected to result from such an agreement will be first and foremost in the minds of the Americans.
I am convinced that I know what punishment the Chinese will bestow upon us if we join the excessive demand to exclude China from beneficial involvement in the Israeli economy.
The US is our ally. China is not our enemy, and could be our partner in matters that benefit us and do no harm to others.
The writer is the former prime minister of the State of Israel.